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#pragmatics

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Hey @linguistics

I'm gonna need a Gricean analysis of these two grocery store maths.

I think that the implicatures are that (a) happy egg organic free range eggs should be conceptualized as individuals, while happy egg heritage breed eggs should be conceptualized as a group (flouting maxim of manner at least once) and (b) USian shoppers are likely to be too dumb to be able to calculate that 15 is 3 more than 12 (flouting maxim of quantity)?

@ElenLeFoll Yeyyyy! I even wrote 2 😇

1) (When) Can I say Du to You? The metapragmatics of forms of address on German-Speaking Twitter, Journal of Pragmatics: shs.hal.science/halshs-0367934

2) How and why choosing the wrong form of address may make you look like a boomer or a Karen: Characterological figures on social media, under review, preprint here: shs.hal.science/halshs-0430673

shs.hal.science(When) Can I say Du to You? The metapragmatics of forms of address on German-Speaking TwitterOn 02.06.2020, the social media team of the Deutsche Bahn, the German railway company, announced on Twitter that for a three-month launching phase, they would use the singular T-form du to address their customers. On the basis of a corpus of public tweets analyzed as metapragmatic comments, I examine which stances users adopt and what these stances tell us about how the Germanspeaking Twittersphere metapragmatically assesses the appropriateness of pronouns of address in social networks. I show how the shift to the T-form is well accepted only if restricted to Twitter, while being strongly disfavored and deemed inappropriate if understood against the background of a customer-client's relation. While the users in favor of the V-form present their arguments in a direct way, most users who plead for the T-form resort to irony and banter, thus constructing the online persona of 'cool' people aware of appropriateness norms on social media. I conclude by showing how the clash between antagonistic-and possibly irreconcilable-positions can then be framed as a conflict between globalized norms fostering the use of T-forms as a conventionalized practice on social media and local norms of politeness, as the V-form remains the unmarked way of addressing an unknown adult in Germany.

Classifying Adjective-Noun combinations conundrum of the day: Are unwritten
laws laws? Hours later, I remembered that it is rather similar to examples like
"fake gun" or "paper airplane" from the classic #semantics and
#pragmatics literature. Unfortunately, I also remember that the
classic literature does not really solve these issues. Kamp &
Partee (1995) note the "apparent context dependence of judgments about
whether a fake gun is a gun". And I liked Nick Asher's (2011) ruminations on
"paper airplane" so much that I quoted it in full in my habilitation, see below.
#compoundWatch

Out now! Article in the Journal of Politeness Research, showing how seemingly unassuming pieces of language guide interaction in certain directions. View here or get in touch for a copy degruyter.com/document/doi/10. @degruyter_pub

#politeness #linguistics #pragmatics @linguistics @corpuslinguistics

De Gruyter · A corpus-assisted analysis of indexical signs for (im)politeness in Japanese apology-like behaviourThis study provides a corpus-assisted pragmatic investigation of three Japanese expressions: the adverb chotto ‘a little’, the verb-ending form -te shimau , conveying (formulaic) regret, and the conditional clause with -tara . These are deictic forms I refer to as indexical signs for (im)politeness because they can, under certain circumstances, trigger evaluations in terms of (im)politeness, potentially favouring an indirect interpretation of the utterance. They are investigated in co-occurrence with apology-like behaviour based on the assumption that, in this context, interactants are more likely to exploit linguistic strategies for conveying additional layers of pragmatic meaning. The main findings point to a wide range of possible interactional meanings the selected forms can acquire in naturally occurring data, from affecting the illocutionary force of the utterance, to conventionally matching interactants’ expectations, to conveying a potentially face-threatening act. These results support the assumption that seemingly polite speech acts will not necessarily be doing polite work (or not only) and highlight the relevance of the interactional context for retrieving communicative meanings.

Gestern Höhe Magdeburg eine linguistisch sehr befriedigende Bahnansage: "In dieser Zeit können sie sich außerhalb des Zuges aufhalten, aber nicht großartig den Bereich verlassen."
Erstmal: "großartig" als Modifikator von "den Bereich verlassen", was zu einer "nicht zu weit entfernen" Lesart führt.
Und zweitens: welcher Bereich? Und was ist der Bereich des Zuges wenn man außerhalb des Zuges ist eigentlich genau?
Ich bin sicherheitshalber lieber sitzengeblieben, ging auch trotz angeblicher Reperatur am Triebwagen nach nur 10 Minuten dann doch weiter.
#BahnAnsagen #Pragmatics #Semantics #German

📝 Just published, with Sophia Malamud: “Won’t you?” reverse-polarity question tags in American English as a window into the semantics-pragmatics interface

It's #openAccess, so you'll go read it, won't you? 😁
#semantics #pragmatics #tagQuestions #scoreboard @linguistics doi.org/10.1007/s10988-023-093

SpringerLink“Won’t you?” reverse-polarity question tags in American English as a window into the semantics-pragmatics interface - Linguistics and PhilosophyWe model the conventional meaning of utterances that combine two distinct clause types: a (positive) declarative or imperative (in rare cases, interrogative) anchor and a (negative) interrogative tag, such as won’t you?. We argue that such utterances express a single speech act, and in fact, a single conventional update of the conversational scoreboard. The proposed model of this effect is a straightforward extension of prior proposals for the semantics of declaratives, imperatives, and preposed-negation interrogatives. Ours is the first unified account of these phenomena that addresses the sentential force of these utterances and outlines how the speech act effects arise from the scoreboard update and contextual factors. We enrich the conversational scoreboard, interpreted as a model of sentential force, to include graded commitments and non-at-issue meanings. A consequence of our model is that modified utterances can create “blended” speech acts which share some, but not all, properties with the unmodified utterances. The proposal has implications for models of other utterance modifiers, as well as for negative interrogatives and negation in general, and for imperative/jussive constructions.